Lesson 6

Voices of Protest in the Art World

When people talk about feminism in the art world, it often feels as if there are two opposing sides: a uniform, even militant, type of feminism, organised as a group against a monolithic art world. As has been repeatedly demonstrated up to this point, there are many types of feminisms, a wide range of feminist groups and politics, but there are also different facets to the art world. Some people argue that there are multiple art worlds: generated by different communities of interest and with different value systems.

Any sociological/philosophical/critical view of these art worlds would demonstrate that at any particular time they are organised into hegemonic (leading and dominant) practices, alongside emergent practices and residual or older practices (as described by Raymond Williams’ in his analysis of art and culture).

Today’s globalised art world is dominated by 1) a sector of commercial galleries, private collectors and their museums, corporate sponsors and art fairs and 2) a state-sponsored sector of largely city-based biennales, public art museums and national collections, festivals, and local arts organisations/galleries and studios. Artists move in and out of these different sectors as they take part in shows or work on commissions. Initiatives in the arts, locally/nationally and internationally, are funded with a wide range of private or corporate money and/or public (government) funds.

Only around 100 countries, half the world, take part in these ventures which constitute what most people consider the art world. This is not to suggest that art, or other forms of visual culture/craft/design, is not being made elsewhere across developing countries around the globe: clearly it is. It’s important to remember that when we talk about the art world in global terms, we are not talking about all forms of Art, or the recognition of all art-making practices. The hegemonic part of the art world is not an “inclusive” sphere of activity, nor is it a homogenised one in which only certain values are constant, it too is constantly in flux, responding to different developments and changing year on year.

Howard Becker’s definition of an artworld is useful. He argues that the art world is not just “the most fashionable people associated with those newsworthy objects and events that command astronomical prices”, it is also “a network of people whose co-operative activity, organised via their joint knowledge of conventional means of doing things, produces the kind of art works that art world is noted for” (Howard Becker, Art Worlds, 1982)

Feminism is increasingly appearing in the former sense of an art world as a fashionable and newsworthy object, in events, art exhibitions etc. but it has also been “a network of people” (in the women’s art movement and diverse feminist initiatives) working through their own means to create new concepts of art, new art worlds and new communities of interest. These two contrasting views produce different versions of where and how change should be made and to which conception of power the various appeals for change are addressed. If the former conception suggests that women are waiting to be admitted or made visible by others, the latter suggests that women are actually generating culture, a feminist culture, for themselves.

The manifestos in Lesson 6, each in their own way:-

1) name discrimination and show how it is present in the art world
2) criticise the invisibility of the problem and lack of action in the current status quo
3) demand change and lay out recommendations for a new agenda which would include women.

In all cases, they “take a stand”, articulate a standpoint from which they criticise the system or the status quo and identify what is wrong, while putting forward recommendations to remedy the situation. The aim of most of these manifestos is to promote awareness, create solidarity and propose ideas about what could or “ought” to be. They are addressed to potential supporters to make change, rather than to those in authority to make decisions on their behalf.

The other aspect of the manifestos featured in this lesson is that they are collectively signed by women artists. These are not personal statements, nor the manifestation of a “group” identity, but, either in their appeal to others to join them or in the collection of signatures, they represent a form of practicing solidarity on specific issues concerning women in the art world. Collective action is fundamental to any form of social/political change, including feminism.

This lesson considers 6 manifestos, written at different times, and their role in feminist activism in the art world. These manifestos were presented as public statements, “open letters”, flyers and then (in the mid-1990s onwards) circulated online. These kinds of protest are linked to the articulation of diverse goals and agendas.

‘Manifesto of Women Students and Artists for Black Liberation’ (WSABAL) (1970)

This manifesto is reproduced in the ebook.

This manifesto was written by Michele Wallace in June 1970 but is collectively attributed to WSABAL. WSABAL was started by Faith Ringgold and her daughter, Michele Wallace.

WSABAL was not a public organisation or a union, it was a name designed to create a group identity and form an alliance under which people could unite. The manifesto outlines a “projected” united position in the art world. Like Martine Syms’ ‘Afro-Futurist Manifesto’ (40 years later), this manifesto is an appeal for people to join forces to take action now!

About Faith Ringgold and Michele Wallace

Faith Ringgold is a well-established artist today and increasingly the subject of many retrospectives. There are many articles you can find online which document her life and work: https://frieze.com/article/50-years-celebrating-black-beauty-and-culture-faith-ringgold

This educator’s pack from the National Museum of Women in the Arts in Washington, gives her life history plus an analysis of 9 works.
https://nmwa.org/exhibitions/american-people-black-light/

Or you watch the Video Interview with Faith Ringgold, 1991 September 3 and 2006 May 10 used in Lynn Hershman Leeson’s film !Women Art Revolution (2016) in the Stanford University archive: https://exhibits.stanford.edu/women-art-revolution/catalog/dd043pf3293

Rutgers University has an archive of Faith Ringgold’s papers:
http://www2.scc.rutgers.edu/ead/manuscripts/Ringgoldf.html

Michele Wallace’s papers are archived at New York Public Library, including her work from the 1970s as an art critic and activist. https://researchworks.oclc.org/archivegrid/collection/data/752306365

Michele Wallace is now a Professor of English Literature and writes art as well as literary criticism. At the time, she wrote this, she was a student and collaborated closely with her mother.

WSABAL and New York protests in the Art World

In an interview with Mary Lodu, Michele Wallace describes the founding of WSABAL: http://thirdrailquarterly.org/mary-lodu-michele-wallace/
Rather than summarising this interview, I suggest that you click on the link and read it in full.

Faith Ringgold was extremely active in different organisations and protest groups in New York in this period e.g. Art Workers Coalition and BECC (Black Emergency Cultural Coalition), and there were multiple small radical groups criticising the art world, its narrow focus and its exclusions. Ringgold took part in the Ad Hoc Women’s committee’s Whitney Annual protests in 1971 where the chief demands of this manifesto 1) that 50% of artists in the upcoming biennial that year be women, alongside 2) the relatively new idea that all exhibitions should “reflect the ethnic distribution of the metropolitan area in which the show is being given” appear on the posters used in the protest. The Ad Hoc Women’s Collective grew out of the broader labour activist group the Art Workers’ Coalition (AWC), in which there was another the sub-group Women Artists in Revolution (WAR) where Nancy Spero was a key member.

‘The Ad Hoc Women Artists Committee (founded by Brenda Miller, Poppy Johnson and Faith Ringgold) used it to force the Establishment to look at art by women, beginning with the 1970 Whitney Annual.  Our tactics at the Whitney were multiple: we issued a fake press release saying the Annual would finally be 50 percent women and 50 percent “non-white.” We projected slides of women’s art on the outside of the building. We faked invitations so a lot of us could get inside to do a sit-in at the opening. The museum got wind of that and set up a machine to distinguish the fakes from the authentic invitations, so we traded our fakes to famous people the museum didn’t want to evict. We protested weekly on the Whitney’s defensive bridge over the moat; we faked a docent’s tour; we blew whistles in the stairwells, lipsticked the women’s room mirrors, left eggs and unused tampons marked “50 percent women” around the galleries…and we got a lot of attention, even from the FBI.’

Lucy Lippard recalls in ’From the Archive: No Regrets’
(Art in America, 16 March 2017)
https://www.artnews.com/art-in-america/features/from-the-archives-no-regrets-63252/

A second joint statement between the Ad Hoc Women’s Committee and WSABAL, was distributed as a self-published handout. It was titled “To the Viewing Public for the 1970 Whitney Annual Exhibition (1970). This was reproduced in Hilary Robinson (ed) Feminism-Art-Theory (Blackwells/Wiley, first edition, 2001). Pp. 56-57.  This argues:

“THE WHITNEY ISN’T WITH IT!!!! They say they are giving us a survey of what’s going on in American sculpture right now, but all they’ve given us is their usual survey of their own prejudices”…”EVEN WE don’t know the potential of women artists in this country, because we’ve never had the chance to find out. ON TO FIFTY PER CENT!!!’

The Whitney Annual that year had 21 women out of 103 artists. 21% was better than the previous year of 3%, but it was not enough.

Ringgold also helped found the Black women artists’ collective: Where We At: Black Women Artists, Inc. in 1971, which remained active as a group until 1997. Where We’re At planned their first exhibition in the summer of 1971. The artists were: Kay Brown, Jerrolyn Crooks, Pat Davis, Mai Mai Leabua, Dindga McCannon and Faith Ringgold. This was realised at the Acts of Art Gallery, in Greenwich Village in June/July 1971 and twelve women artists took part.

“A Black Women’s Exhibition
– because there never was one
– so that women should be recognized not only as Black artists, but also as women
– because most Black women artists live in Brooklyn.”

Feminist Art Journal (April 1972)

This is the first item on the list of 6 demands, including access to childcare, studio space and scholarships, from the show, published before the exhibition opened in Feminist Art Journal, edited by Cindy Nemser, (April 1972) and is reproduced in We wanted a Revolution, Black Radical Women Artists: A sourcebook, 1965-1985 (Brooklyn Museum, 2017). The exhibition of the same name, We Wanted a Revolution, toured the USA in 2017-2019.

Faith Ringgold also helped to found the National Black Feminist Organization (NBFO) with Flo Kennedy, Margaret Sloan, and Doris Wright, in May 1973. https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/national-black-feminist-organization-1973-1976/  Within NBFO’s second year there were more than 2000 members and 10 chapters across the United States, which lasted until 1976 when the organization disbanded.

Ringgold’s actions as an artist and activist in the art world and beyond have proved an inspiration to many artists today as is demonstrated in this article: Indira Bailey ‘The (In)Visibility of Four Black Women Artists: Establishing a Support Network, Defining Obstacles, and Locating Self through Art’ (2017) https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/c9a4/2750b2424afd40871250096ef415996433c9.pdf

The manifesto is also connected to an exhibition of 200 works, People’s Flag Show at Judson Memorial Church in November 1970. The show was sponsored by the Art Worker’s Coalition and this manifesto is cited as the inspiration for the show as an “open show”. Two artists, Jean Toche and Jon Hendricks burnt copies of the American flag as their contribution to the exhibition and it was this action which led to the arrest of the ‘Judson 3’ (Faith Ringgold (as an organiser of the show), Jean Toche and Jon Hendricks) who were later fined $100 (or jail for one month) in 1971.
See ‘Historical Background’ http://carbonfarm.us/amap/GAAG_Part2.pdf

The original typescript of this manifesto, as a defaced flyer, was exhibited again in 2008 in Carey Lovelace’s exhibition Making it Together: Women’s Collaborative Art + Community. New York: The Bronx Museum of the Arts, 2 March – 4 August, 2008. http://www.careylovelace.com/CLWomenCollaborative.htm

Image 9 on the link documenting the exhibition on the curator’s own website – shows 3 people looking at the manifesto as a large poster and this copy has been  defaced by negative comments. This is a reproduction of a small flyer.

Carey Lovelace wrote that the manifesto was produced and circulated at the Art Strike Against Racism, Sexism, Repression and War on 22 May 1970 which was not only a protest against the War on Cambodia, but also the site of different protests about the role of art and museums and their complicity in not protesting the situation. Artists, co-led by Robert Morris and Poppy Johnson (of Ad Hoc Women’s Committee), picketed the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and MOMA during the art strike. The copy she displayed was defaced here.

Recent interest in thinking about the history of this protest in relation to the contemporary art world’s activisms against President Donald Trump can be found in John Bowles 18 Jan 2017 article, in Hyperallergic, ‘The 1970 New York Artists Strike that Prefigured #J20’: https://hyperallergic.com/352184/the-1970-new-york-artists-strike-that-prefigured-j20/

While the actions and existence of WSABAL was extremely important symbolically as a protest which was “ahead of its time” in linking racism and sexism in art world politics, it is surprising how rarely the content of it is reproduced or fully discussed. Partly, this is to do with its existence as only a flyer: an ephemeral document.

The 2 dominant demands in this manifesto for 50% women artists and ethnic representation of a population may seem tame after 50 years of quota systems, attempts at equal opportunities and gender mainstreaming. At the time, they appeared radical and extremely controversial.

Let’s Discuss the Content of this Manifesto

Let’s focus on the headlines of the manifesto first.

These spell out the main functions of WSABAL:

to inform students of “esthetic oppression” of black women in the visual arts,
to encourage/protest/challenge all forms of art which are against “the people”,
and to support “real black art which is done by black women” and concerned with the “Afro-American situation” today.

These underpin:-

THE MAJOR DEMAND OF WSABAL

ALL GROUP SHOWS ARE TO BE OPENED TO THE PARTICIPATION OF ALL ART WORKERS THROUGHOUT AMERICA

All shows are to be fifty percent women.

All shows which are not a stated projection of a particular cultural group, such as Afro-American, American Indians, American Whites, etc., must reflect the ethnic distribution of the metropolitan area in which the show is being given.

These functions highlight the voice of black women artists and a feminist message about promoting art which foregrounds the work of women artists and focuses on women’s oppression – from the perspective of “black women”.

The definition of black art is divided into a “Black Art” in terms of its truth is followed by a list of items that “Black Art is not”.

This list includes the definition of the exclusion of women in “Brown Art Shows filled with Token Art Niggas which are being passed off for Black Art Show”.

Real Black Art is that of “a liberated voice”, “protests bigotry” and is produced by Black Women Artists. These are feminist ambitions for self-empowerment and protest from the situation in which one finds oneself.
Faith Ringgold’s art at the time was figurative, representational painting, combining pop art colours and lines with realistic portraiture of people around her. Her ‘Feminist’ series dates from this period, as does an important mural of women in prison, which was situated in a prison. She started later to produce work in textiles/ quilts. In the late 1970s she travelled to West Africa: but the ambition to reconsider an artistic heritage based on the “Principles of African Art” is important here.

The list of negatives: brown shit (all male) art shows, token nigga art (as partial accommodation of a few artists), mainstream copy whitey art (as the way to be accepted), talk not action, artwork which is propaganda or predictions of a future, “picture” art is quite precise as a series of criticisms.

The WSABAL manifesto makes clear that this manifesto was a protest against the token inclusion of black (male) artists in several exhibitions: Afro-American Artists organised in 1970, where 2 women, Betye Saar and Barbara Chase-Rimboud were the only women included by curators: Edmund Gaither and Benny Andrews. It also refers to the Venice Biennale exhibition in July 1970. America cancelled its participation in the Venice Biennale that year and organised an exhibition in New York, but the criticism here is that it was not an open exhibition in its selection processes, and those selected were “Anti-Human Artists”.
This criticism and other remarks about “Superstar anti-human art” appear to be a caveat for abstract art – which at the time – was minimalist and often declared itself as “apolitical” or “not-political”. The bigotry against black women artists and the ignorance about their work comes from both a white art establishment and a group of black male artists who are looking out for their own careers and continuing the marginalisation of black women artists.

As Michele Wallace confirms in the interview on WSABAL: Romare Bearden, Jacob Lawrence, Benny Andrews, are the black male artists referred to in the WSABAL Manifesto’s “Black token art” or artists “copying Whitey”  Mary Lodu interview with Michele Wallace, on the founding of WSABAL: http://thirdrailquarterly.org/mary-lodu-michele-wallace/

What the manifesto advocates is: black as a value/color/situation of oppression; rhythm as a major artistic contribution; and Principles of African Art. It concludes with 3 points, central to the ideas of WSABAL: to demonstrate the severity of oppression, a persistent will to survive, and a determination to make a liberated society.

Let's Discuss this Manifesto!

Now that you’ve started to understand a little more about the context of its production, what do you feel about its claims for a different kind of art from black women artists…..

Let’s discuss this in the forum for Lesson 6 !

Women Artists of Pakistan (1983)

‘In 1983, sixteen Lahore-based women artists met privately at Salima Hashmi’s home and wrote this manifesto in retaliation of the long-time oppression (which had worsened under General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq’s rule) they endured. Due to the political climate at the time, the manifesto was not published.’
Asia Art Archive website.

This manifesto was first published in the book by Salima Hashmi: Unveiling the Visible: Lives and Works of Women Artists of Pakistan (Lahore: Sang-e-meel Publications, 2003) and then in KT press, ebook in 2014.

An alternative account of how the manifesto was drafted is given by Sadia Pasha Kamran in ‘Feminist art in Pakistan’.

‘Fifteen women artists in Lahore got together and signed a manifesto, interestingly drafted by a man, I.A. Rehman, a human rights activist. The manifesto was never made public due to the prevailing Martial law but it “simply empowered the women to become more outspoken in their art against misogyny”.’

Sadia Pasha Kamran ‘WOMEN, ART & POLITICS IN PAKISTAN: RETHINKING FEMINISM THROUGH FEMINIST ART’
26th September 2019
https://grdspublishing.org/index.php/people/article/view/2107

These women artists wanted to organise exhibitions together, raise the visibility for women artists in their country and protest against the increasingly conservative and Islamic culture of Pakistan, in order to liberate the potential of women in culture.

All of the artists who signed this manifesto were well-established with successful careers as artists and are now widely respected and shown in exhibitions inside and outside Pakistan. Most of them today are highly celebrated in Pakistan. Women artists have played a central role in the development of the post-war Pakistani art world and many women artists are founders of major organisations and galleries and leaders in art education.

It is important to remember that when this manifesto was written Pakistan was under military dictatorship of General Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, 1978-1988. The country was under Martial Law.

This is five years before Benazir Bhutto became Prime Minister of Pakistan from 1988 to 1990 and again from 1993 to 1996. She took over from her father as Leader of the Pakistan People’s Party in 1978. He was hanged in April 1979 convicted on charges of authorizing the murder of an opponent. He had been deposed from government in 1977 by Zia ul-Haq’a coup. Benazir Bhutto became the first woman to head a democratic government in a Muslim majority nation but she was assassinated in 2007.

Several important political events took place in Pakistan in 1983 which show the mounting opposition across Pakistan to Zia ul-Haq’s military dictatorship and the manifesto should be seen in relation to these protests.

In 1983, a coalition of eleven Pakistani political parties known as the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) formed to pressure the dictatorial regime of Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq to hold elections and suspend the martial law. The MRD, which remained mostly nonviolent, was strongest among supporters of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in Sindh Province. Zia responded to the MRD by announcing a plan for the restoration of democracy on August 12, 1983. In the late months of 1983, between 60 and 200 people in Sindh Province were killed and up to 15,000 were arrested, by a 45,000-strong contingent of Zia’s troops. In 1984, Zia called for a referendum seeking approval for his ultra-conservative and authoritarian brand of Islamization. The democratic constitution not restored, however, and it was only after his suspicious death in a plane crash in 1988 that also took the lives of many of his top aides and the U.S. ambassador to Pakistan, that Pakistan changed. Corruption and nepotism remained rife even after the country returned to a constitutional democracy.

1983 was an important crossroads between the political situation and the work of the Pakistani women’s movement.

On 12 February 1983, 200 women (lawyers and activists) marched through the streets of Lahore, despite martial law, which prohibited gatherings of more than two people. Their protest was against the law of evidence, which would reduce the testimony of a woman to half that of a man. They were met by police who hit them with batons and arrested them.  Comparisons between this moment and contemporary protests in Pakistan can be found at:
https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/pakistan-women-march-shaking-patriarchy-core-200308095635489.html

12 February became Pakistan’s National Women’s Day to honour those who took part in this event, but only when democratic government was restored. The evidence law they protested against was signed by Zia in November 1983 and implemented in 1984 until martial law ended in 1988.

In 1983, universal primary education had not been achieved, the government’s aspiration was universal enrolment of male children by 1986 – 1987 and of female by 1992. Gender segregation of male and female education and a large gap in expectations or professional occupations affected women adversely.

Pakistani women have yet to achieve what Madihah Akhter, writing in The Feminist Wire, an online magazine, identifies as “political, cultural and economic equality for women and a place in the constant struggle to define their nation.
https://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/21/opinion/bina-shah-the-fate-of-feminism-in-pakistan.html

The same article notes how Margot Badran has identified two threads of feminism in the Muslim world: a 19th-century “secular feminism” and 20th-century “Islamic feminism.” The Pakistani People’s Party slogan at the time was, “Islam is our faith, democracy is our policy, socialism is our economy: All power to the people.” Supporters of the PPP largely advocated a secular feminism.

This manifesto was written against the increasingly conservative attitude of the society propagated by Zia to maintain power which attempted to promote confining women is known as chadar aur char divari (a veil and four walls). Invisibility, containment and modesty in dress code are the consequences of this. Women’s mobility is constrained (ie not being able to go out alone) and sexuality/morality in social practice dictated through a number of laws and ordinances. These included in 1982 rules about the presence of women in the public sphere and the amount of skin that could be exposed on TV and advertisements. Islamization

‘effectively increased the state’s power over the lives and liberties of its citizens and brought more people, particularly women, into greater contact with what has been described as an abusive and corrupt criminal justice system (HRW, 1992). Religiously influenced laws and policies are still in force in Pakistan’

Shahnaz Khan Zina, Transnational Feminism, and the Moral Regulation of Pakistani Women (Toronto: UBC Press, 2006).

Shahnaz Rouse identifies how the factions who rose to power in the military dictatorship used traditionalist and conservative ideas about Islam to perpetuate

‘the notion that a woman’s place is in the home; that she is not capable of the same thought and rationality as men and is designed for housework and to be an object of pleasure for her spouse and entirely dependent upon him’….
‘The intent is to create a milieu which can appeal to the worst instincts in men giving them the right to thoroughly subjugate women. What the regime did not openly proclaim it tried to accomplish through its surrogates, the ultraconservative religious leaders.’

Shahnaz Rouse ‘Dossier 3: Women’s movement in Pakistan: State, Class, Gender’ Women Living under Muslim Laws, June/July 1988, https://www.wluml.org/1988/07/15/dossier-3/

This article also outlines the formation of the Women’s Action Forum (WAF), a mass-based popular front of many women’s organizations and concerned individuals in 1981, which organised a major petition in 1981 to Zia on women’s rights and some of the artists, ie  Lala Rukh and Salima Hashmi, played key roles in supporting the AWF. The forum expanded from Lahore and Karachi to chapters in Islamabad, Peshawar, Bahawalpur, Lyallpur, and Quetta and allied themselves with many women’s issues, particularly groups connected with bourgeois political parties, e.g., the Tehrik-e-Istiklal, as well as women’s groups with leftwing sympathies, e.g., the Tehrik-e-Niswan, and Tehrik-e-Khawateen.

An academic perspective, by Farida Shaheed, on naming different kinds of feminisms in Pakistan – even using the term indigenous feminisms to describe local engagements with feminism can be found here:
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/57a08b29ed915d3cfd000b92/Shaheed_Womensmovement.pdf

Most [women who identify with feminism] are urban educated women with access to English; a substantial number had pre-existing links with either transnational women’s movements or/and with leftist ideology if not groups. Those who have identified as feminists since the 1980s have been inclined to differentiate between a women’s movement—even a women’s rights movement—from a feminist one. The women’s movement would include all those seeking to bring about more gender equal rights and greater autonomy for women within the operative structures of state and society…..
In this, a women’s rights movement would be characterized by the gendered perspective on issues adopted by adherents/activists, by the primacy placed on achieving greater gender equal rights, and by the consistency of conscious actions from institutional bases identified with the movement.

Further reading: Amina Jamal ‘Transnational Feminism as Critical Practice: A Reading of Feminist Discourses in Pakistan’ Meridians   Vol. 5, No. 2 (2005), pp. 57-82

These ideas about what kind of feminism, its relation to broader political trends and general understandings about a woman’s rights movement, (ie human rights as women’s rights) account for the different and, at first glance, rather moderate and highly qualified language in this manifesto.

About the signatories of the manifesto.

They were an elite group of women (in terms of class and caste) but this did not diminish the radicalism of what they were advocating – nor their ambition that education and opportunities could be extended to all people.

The following links lead to interviews and artists’ websites for you to follow and discover about these women.

Salima Hashmi

Interview with Salima Hashmi in Art Now Pakistan
http://www.artnowpakistan.com/in-conversation-with-salima-hashmi/

Read her article: “Sinful Women”: Women Artists from Pakistan’
vol. 29 (July 2012) TransAsia pp.90-95 in n.paradoxa

Asia Art Archive, Hong Kong holds the Salima Hashmi archive:
https://aaa.org.hk/en/resources/datasets/salima-hashmi-archive
and Charlotte Mui’s commentary on her writing on women artists: https://aaa.org.hk/en/ideas/ideas/off-the-shelf-country-paper-pakistan

Her paper ‘Breaking the Mould’ is uploaded on Asia Art archive: https://cdn.aaa.org.hk/_source/breaking-the-mould.pdf

Lala Rukh, (1948-2017)

Lala Rukh, (1948-2017) was a prominent Pakistani women rights activist and artist who was known as founder of Women’s Action Forum. Her work was included in documenta 17, in Kassel.

Obituary in Art Forum : https://www.artforum.com/news/lala-rukh-1948-2017-69481

Profile in Art Now Pakistan:  http://www.artnowpakistan.com/lala-rukh-a-visual-synopsis/

Sheherezade Alam

Alam’s website promotes her work in ceramics: http://sheherezadealam.com/

Interview with Alam in Art Now Pakistan
http://www.artnowpakistan.com/you-transform-the-clay-you-are-also-transformed-sherezade-alam/

Zubeda Javed

Zubeda Javed was a Professor at Punjab University’s Fine Art Department from 1961-1997. In 1983 she was Head of Department. Marjorie Husain’s Obituary: https://www.dawn.com/news/1224003

Riffat Alvi

Riffat Alvi is an artist and became Director of VM Art Gallery in 1987.
VM Art Gallery’s history appears in this Art Now article

Rabia Zuberi

Zuberi founded Karachi School of Art in 1964 and continued to work there.
https://www.ksa.edu.pk/about-school/rabia-zuberi/

https://unicorngalleryart.com/products/rabia-zuberi

A major book on her work is by Majorie Hussain.

Abbasi Abidi

Abbasi Abidi (d. 2018) was the former principal of the National College of Arts (NCA) and later of the Pakistan School of Fashion Design.

Qudsia Nisar

Qudsia Nisar is an artist represented by Clifton Art Gallery :  https://cliftonartgallery.com/artist/qudsia-nisar/

Veeda Ahmed

Veeda Ahmed is an artist. This is a link to her website
http://veedaahmed.com/profile/cv/
and a description of her work in the Qatar Foundation.
https://medium.com/qatar-foundation/a-traditional-artist-for-modern-times-61e583477599

Meher Afroze

Interview with Meher Afroze in Art Now Pakistan
http://www.artnowpakistan.com/meher-afroze/

Nahid = Naheed Raza

In these two interviews, published in Pakistan, Naheed Raza describes her feminist work and beliefs.
https://tribune.com.pk/story/2069464/4-feminism-not-become-hindrance-art-naheed-raza  (21st July 2010) by Rumana Husain
http://karachiwali.blogspot.com/2010/07/nahid-raza-feminist-painter-nurturing.html

Women artists have been central to the Pakistani art world as these quick insights into the artists who signed this manifesto demonstrates. These women were Professors at Universities, founders of organisations and well-established painters and ceramicists as well as prominent commentators on the situation of women artists since the 1960s. At the time of writing the manifesto, they had key roles in the Pakistani art and art education world.

‘An over view of the work of these women artists reveals that despite differences of opinion among women artists in embracing feminism as their main concern, the works are unified in terms of form, content and iconographic details. However, it is interesting to note that their art does not essentially conform the ideals of feminism, especially in terms of typical feminist aesthetics as propagated in the West pointing towards a particular theoretical posture which maintains that women art differs in importance, value, technique, subject matter or audience, nor do they ever vow to be the feminists as an opposing force to masculinism….. [in] the aftermath of forced and misconstrued Islamization

….the representation of female body in art confronted several wars at the same time. 1. The aesthetic question of female body as an object of male gaze, 2. The social status of woman detained within the four walls and 3. The political question of rendering human figure as a sin. In such a battle the women artists through their work exposed the hypocrisy of the prevailing politics, highlighted the plight of women, challenged the social norms, recognized their potent, celebrated womanhood and entered a mainstream art market’

Sadia Pasha Kamran WOMEN, ART & POLITICS IN PAKISTAN: RETHINKING FEMINISM THROUGH FEMINIST ART
26th September 2019

Let’s Discuss the content of this Manifesto

The gravitas and seriousness of the enterprise is acknowledged by the language used.

The centrality of women artists is central to the seven principles espoused – and its address to their specific national/nationalist situation.

Consider the positive and affirmative goals sought:

to recognise their outstanding contribution

have a role in pioneering art education

encourage the cause of women’s emancipation

support for equality of all Pakistani women

recognise and respect rights

encourage women to play an active and rightful participation in society

foster women’s role as sustainer of life, love and affection

be at the vanguard of Pakistani women’s struggle

leave the world a happier, more beautiful and more peaceful a place than we found it

The criticisms and what they are against:

all constraints, perpetrated in the name of law and morality, but also from all forms of prejudice, superstition and cant.

any attempt, overt or covert, to suppress, inhibit, control or regiment her artistic functioning, or to interfere otherwise, with her basic right to freedom of expression

vigorously condemn the attitude which minimises woman’s constructive role in society

attempts to restrict her active and rightful participation in society

condemn the attitude which distorts the original and age-old role of woman…  and vulgarises it into an image of obscenity

replace in the lives of our people despair with hope, brutality with compassion, darkness with light, and anarchy with culture

These two manifestos have been placed together and you may find this surprising as a comparison.

The juxtaposition of protest from a black arts perspective in USA and the perspective of secular women protesting their position in an increasingly repressive Islamic military dictatorship, 10 years apart, might seem strange when art is usually thought of only within national borders or local environments. The brief outline of the context in which they were produced, and who produced these manifestos, is meant to focus your attention on why the language is different in each case.

Let’s discuss them in the forum for Lesson 6 !

Continue this lesson

Part 2Part 3

Continue this lesson

Part 2, Part 3

Summary

Voices of Protest in the Art World

Part 1

Michele Wallace (WSABAL)

Manifesto of Women Students and Artists for Black Liberation

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Women Artists of Pakistan

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Part 2

Xabier Arakistain

ARCO Manifesto (2005)

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We are Not Surprised (WANS)

Not Surprised, an open letter (2017),
signed by many women artists and curators and writers

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Part 3
Permanent Assembly of Women Art Workers

We Propose: Declaration of Commitment to Feminist Practices in Art: (2017) (Argentina)
Also available in Spanish, Portuguese and French on the website.

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Lina Džuverović, Irene Revell

We Falter with Feminist Conviction (2016)

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